

In the immortal words of Margo Channing “Fasten your seatbelts. We’re in for a bumpy ride.” Especially for pundits and pollsters, both of whom were caught with their pants around their ankles in their worst debacle since “Dewey Beats Truman.” Oh the gnashing of teeth and beating of breasts!
What happened in New Hampshire? Well, nothing all that surprising except to the stampeding media herd in the aftermath of Barack Obama’s stunning win in Iowa and the pollsters who could not capture the torrent of changing public opinion in the wake of the Iowa dam burst.
In fact, Obama did very well in New Hampshire. Less than a week ago a finish second less than 3% behind Hillary Clinton, who still held a substantial lead in state polls, would have been considered a major boost to his campaign. Now it is being trumpeted my some as a catastrophic loss—or even in the minds of fervent Clintonistas in the media—a knock-out blow.
No one should have counted Clinton out in the first place. She has enormous resources, a well oiled operation—despite the temporary panic of some, and the powerful afterglow many Democrats feel for Bill Clinton. Neither should any lamentations be made over Obama. His resources and organization match hers in nearly every respect and he has a reservoir of highly motivated and enthusiastic volunteers that Clinton can counter only with difficulty.
Once again Democrats as a party have much to be happy for. They broadly out drew Republicans in an unprecedented turn-out in both hotly contested races. Although once solidly Republican, the state has turned bright blue in recent years and that trend was only accelerated by participation in Democratic Primary. The aforementioned pundits assumed that the large numbers of independents and first time voters in New Hampshire would break almost exclusively toward Obama, as they had in Iowa. And for a day or two they were telling pollsters exactly that.
But the media coronation of Obama on Saturday and Sunday may have convinced some of those independents that Obama was safely in the driver’s seat and that they could vote Republican, largely to stop Mitt Romney, former governor of neighboring Massechusets who many flinty-eyed Yankees could spot for a phony. Besides half of Southern New Hampshire is populated by Bay State exiles who knew Romney all too well. So some independents shifted to the GOP to stop Romney and to boost a sentimental local favorite, “strait talking” John McCain.
However, two other factors were probably even more important to boosting Clinton to a narrow victory.
First, women, who had gone over to Obama in Iowa, rallied to Clinton in New Hampshire, especially older women. Even Hillary herself seems to credit her brief emotional out burst on Saturday in which she came nearly to tears explaining how “this is deeply personal.” While weeping has notoriously been the kiss of death for male candidates—Ed Muskie right there in the Granite State in 1972 being the classic example—some say it humanized a sometimes frosty Clinton. More likely it simply tugged on the loyalty of a generation of women who had long yearned for a woman president but had also been tempted by equally attractive ground breaking candidacy of Obama. At the last minute many “came home” to their feminist dream.
Second was the powerful advantage Clinton enjoyed in the traditionally Democratic cities of Manchester, Nashua, and Concord. Not only was Clinton able to call in favors from the local Democratic establishment, but her legendary “get out the vote” machine performed flawlessly.
Obama, on the other hand rolled up big winning margins in the rural north, in smaller towns, the exurban communities of the Boston metroplex, and the many college towns. He also won the Portsmouth on the coast. These are areas where the Clinton GOTV machine could not easily work due to distance and a diffused population. Some annalists believe that those results mirrored the Obama boomlet over the weekend across the state and argue that without an amazing ground operation in urban areas Clinton would have lost the state.
Clinton and her surrogates will argue that her strong showing in the cities demonstrates her edge with “real Democrats” and that Obama’s appeal to independents and disgruntled Republican dilutes the will of core Democrats. In fact she’s counting on that in upcoming races where it is much more difficult for independents to vote in closed and semi-closed primaries and where large urban areas fit her GOTV model.
Almost unspoken, but whispered here and there, is speculation that when faced with the reality that their vote could actually propel a Black man to the Presidency and not just be a warm fuzzy gesture, that some White voters could not bring themselves to do it. Political hipsters point out how another attractive, articulate Black with strong appeal beyond his race—former Rep. Harold Ford—went into a race for the Senate from Tennessee in 2006 with a big lead in the polls only to go down to a defeat chalked up to those who could not vote Black. But New Hampshire is not Tennessee and whatever challenge this might afford Obama in Southern and Border states, it is unlikely to have had much traction there.
What’s next? Well, we are going to have a barn burner of a campaign that is likely to extend beyond even the Feburary 5th Tsunami Tuesday primaries.
Clinton will look for a further boost from the Michigan Primary next Tuesday where she is the only major democrat on the ballot. Obama and John Edwards both withdrew their names from the ballot there in deference to Party rules guaranteeing Iowa and New Hampshire the earliest dates in the campaign calendar. Both of those states moved back their contests to counter moves by Michigan and Florida to horn in their premier status and the Democratic National Committee has refused to recognize the delegates of both states and has even cancelled Michigan’s hotel reservation. Even Clinton has not campaigned in the state and has here-to-fore allowed only a low key operation to represent her.
But many Michigan Democrats, particularly the big Black vote in Detroit and other fading rust belt industrial cities, and young voters clustered in major college towns are bitterly disappointed that they can’t vote for Obama. Edwards has a devoted following among Steel Workers and other unionists. Rep. John Conyers and others are now organizing a last minute push, including a big radio campaign, to get voters to select a slate of uncommitted delegates who would be free to back Obama or Edwards. And powerful Senator Carl Levin, while defending Michigan’s choice for an early primary as a blow to making the Democratic nominating process more reflective of the party’s broad base, believes that in the end the national party will not snub to such important states as Michigan and Florida and will seat their delegations. He, too, publicly calls on Obama and Edwards supporters to vote non-committed. The gambit may be too late to deny Clinton a hollow victory.
A real contest is shaping up in the January 19th Nevada Caucuses. This event has never amounted to a hill of beans before and the turn out for the caucuses has historically been limited to a handful of hard core party members. But everyone has been intensely active in the state for some time and despite a prohibitive lead in early polls for Clinton, both Obama and Edwards have had high hopes for the state. Everyone was contending for the support of the state’s powerful hospitality industry unions who could bring their massive muscle to bear for any candidate. Early on Edwards won the hearts of leaders of the new union UNITE HERE, but Nevada Culinary Workers, one of UNITE’s most powerful components, revolted. They wavered between Clinton as the likely anointed candidate—why offend the next queen—and the rank and file preferences for Obama and Edwards. After another major union, SEIU, representing health care and public service workers broke for Obama earlier in the week the Culinary Workers and their UNITE parent threw their support to the Senator.
As a result Nevada stands to fall to Obama and give him a comeback victory right ahead of another state where he promises to do well, South Carolina, which holds a Democratic Primary on January 26th. This is another state that early looked strong for Clinton, who enjoyed substantial support not only from women, but from man older Black voters devoted to her husband. But as Obama has come on stronger and stronger nationally, the Black vote, which comprises more than half of the state’s Democrats, has been breaking strongly to Obama, a trend that will only escalate if Clinton unleashes the “Anti-Obama” surrogate campaign that is being rumored. In addition John Edwards, from neighboring North Carolina, always had hopes for the state, particularly from hard hit industrial workers in the fading textile industry and small farmers. But if these voters believe that Edwards is virtually out of the race by primary, they are much more apt to break to Obama than Clinton. Before her comeback win in New Hampshire, some of her advisors were urging Clinton to essentially abandon efforts there and concentrate on the big states at play on February 5th. Buoyed by the win, however, she will make at least a pass at the Palmetto State, but give the edge to Obama there.
As for February 5th, some folks think it will be Armageddon. But it will likely not be the final battle. Clinton and Obama both have states which seem comfortably in their columns now, although we now know anything can happen any where. The big prize, California, once seen as Clinton territory now seems to be up for grabs. At the end of the day a lot of delegates will have been allotted, but probably not enough to lock the convention vote. Then things get really interesting.
BREAKING NEWS
Just as I was getting ready to put this puppy to bed came further evidence of just how quickly things are evolving. New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson is reported to be announcing his withdrawal from the race on Thursday. Despite a marginally better showing than in Iowa, where he barely managed to survive claiming to be in “the final four,” it was apparent that he would never be able to leap over slipping John Edwards to become the alternative for a party deadlocked between Clinton and Obama. He did develop a devoted following and made a case for a major roll in any Democratic administration. Richardson will not likely endorse either of the front runners, but his operatives, volunteers and most of his supporters are likely to find the Obama camp more congenial than the Clinton