patrickmurfin

Folks here in Illinois are still shaking their heads over the announcement by popular Attorney General Lisa Madigan that she will not be running for Governor or Senate.  She was the dam behind which a river of ambitious Democrats were contained.  They all hoped that she would open the floodgates to advancement by declaring for higher office.  Boy, were they disappointed.

Most observers were convinced until recently that Madigan would follow the fondest dreams of her father, Speaker of the House and Illinois Democratic Party Chair Michael Madigan and run for governor.  Meanwhile she was the open choice of the White House and Rahm Emanuel to make the run for Barack Obama’s old Senate seat against terminally damaged Blagojevich appointee Roland Burris.

Instead the diminutive and youthful Madigan announced that she would “stay in the job I love” and run for a third term.  The mother of two small children ages 1 and 4, her claim of family commitments have plausibility.  And she is certainly young enough to have chances for advancement in the future.  Likely those chances looked better to her than the murky waters she faced in the wake of scandal and budget melt down that have tainted the prospects of Illinois Democrats despite an ever widening advantage in voter registration, a wildly popular home town hero as President, and the perennial shoot-themselves-in-the-foot mopery of state Republicans.

Whether it was secret polling or shrewd political instincts, Madigan opted for safety.  Here is a score card of some of the players scrambling for position in the wake of Madigan’s decision.

For Senate:

Robert Kaempfe, Democratic candidate for the Sixty Fourth District Illinois General Assembly, will challenge incumbent Mike Tryon’s assertion that “we don’t need” comprehensive, single payer health care in McHenry County. Kaempfe is slated to testify at hearings being held by Rep. Mary Flowers on the Health Care for All Illinois Act (HB311) this Saturday from 11 a.m. to 2 p.m. at the McHenry County College Shah Center, 4100 Shamrock Lane in McHenry.

“Before making a blanket statement like that he should have checked with all of the people in McHenry county that do not have any health care,” Kaempfe said. “That elected official did not ask my step daughter her opinion. She is a divorced single mother who works full time but does not have health care for herself or her 5 year old son. My guess is that he also did not ask the thousands of other people in McHenry County what their opinions were.”

According to Kaempfe the many un and underinsured are not the only victims of the current health care system based on private health insurance. “This past January I had a medical procedure done, and was stunned to see a list of charges, like $25 for a pair of gloves.  My neighbor was telling me about the time she went to an urgent care, and was charged over $300 for a shot of penicillin. A friend of ours went to the emergency room because of a reaction to a bee sting. She asked for something to blow her nose. Bang, $25 for a square gauze.  I am sure that most people have a story about something ridiculously over priced in the hospital or emergency room.  What’s wrong with this picture?”

Doctors and medical providers often pad bills to the insured to make up for losses incurred by service to the uninsured.

“There is an old saying that if something is not broke, don't fix it.” Kaempfe said, “By the same token, if something is broke, then it needs fixing. And the whole health care industry is broke. HB 311 can save billions a year, and give health benefits to everyone in the state. It will be publicly financed (like Medicare) and administered by regional boards.  Universal, single payer health care will save in administrative costs associated with complying with complex and contradictory private insurance requirements.

“When elected,” Kaempfe will tell Rep. Flowers on Saturday, “I plan support Health Care for All Illinois.”

For more information call Kaempfe at 815 788-8252 or e-mail robert.kaempfe@yahoo.com.

Well, I missed the shindig at Govener’s Pub to watch returns and celebrate due to the sleet/snow storm that made travel a challenge.  Too bad, because it had the earmarks of a damn good party.  McHenry County Democrats have a lot to celebrate.  Of course the storm kept other Dems away and party Chair Tom Cynor was occupied with advanced baby arrival alert.

As of 2:30 a.m. Wednesday with 100% of precincts reporting, according to unofficial results posted by County Clerk Kathy Schultz on the McVote Web site, 33,421 county residents voted in the Democratic Presidential Primary.  31,211 took Republican ballots.  These figures may not yet include early voting and absentee ballots which were to be counted only after all precincts had reported.  If not, the outcome will not change dramatically because early voting showed the same tilt to the Democrats.

It is safe to say that this is absolutely unprecedented in a county that has been a bastion of Republican power since the Civil War.

As in the rest of the state Barack Obama was a landslide winner. *

Local races in entry below.

*All election results from McVote.org

In the 16th Congressional District,  Barrington Hills Village President Robert Abboud ran unopposed.  But the name recognition generated in the big Democratic turn-out will give him a strong leg up in his challenge to entrenched Republican Don Manzzulo.

In the 26th State Senate District comprising portions of Lake County and parts of eastern McHenry County Round Lake Mayor Richard Gentes took the McHenry County precincts in district.

In a hot three way race for a crack at two seats on the COUNTY BOARD from sprawling, largely rural District 6,  Robert Ludwig and Daryl Franks—running for the second time—won the nomination.

Other Democratic County Board candidates ran and won unopposed as did Coroner candidate David Bachmann, incumbent Jack Franks in the 63rd State Assembly District, and Robert Kaempfe in the 64th District.  While it is an unfair comparison because their districts are not exactly equal, newcomer Kaempfe actually won more votes (11,588) than the perennial powerhouse Franks (11,301.)

Finally, the really big race of the night, the one you have been holding your breath for—Precinct Committeeman in Nunda Township, Precinct 5.

In the immortal words of Elvis Presley, “Thank you.  Thank you very much.”

*All election results from McVote.org

(Photo by MARY MARGARET MAULE)

CAROLYN QUINN, the Secretary of the McHENRY COUNTY DEMOCRATIC PARTY, was one of a carload of local Dems who drove down to Springfield this morning to hear BARACK OBAMA announce his candidacy for President of the United States at the historic OLD STATE CAPITAL—the building where Abraham Lincoln served in the state legislature, delivered his HOUSE DIVIDED speech, debated Stephen Douglas, and after a bitter war and martyrdom was laid in State for his friends and neighbors.  I asked Carolyn--who shares the honor with Virginia Red of being one of the only two guest contributors on this blog—to be our Special Correspondent at the historic event.  She complied with her usual enthusiasm, good eye for detail, and serious writing chops. 

Postcard perfect clear sky:

Left my camera bag, purse and backpack in the car on purpose to have less stuff to worry about.  Did bring THE AUDACITY OF HOPE and today’s copy of the SPRINGFIELD JOURNAL with Barack all over the front page.  I had planned to get them both autographed.

Wicked cold.  Where you think twice about taking in the next breath because the frigid gases seem downright invasive. 

A Mark Twain impersonator passed by on the sidewalk as we approached the OLD STATE HOUSE - and of course Abe Lincoln.  Both looked real enough.  A couple kids hawking tee shirts and buttons (but I didn’t buy any because the money wasn’t going to the Obama campaign – plus I didn’t have my purse.)

Long lines at 8:30 AM to enter the courtyard area, and despite the biting cold, spirits were incredibly high.  Nobody jostled for a better place in line.  We met one another in line.  I shook many mittened hands this morning.  People of different ages, backgrounds, races, regions, were all pleasant and of a single group spirit.  Today we shared a common hope.  To be able to make the difference in changing government to be more responsive to ordinary peoples’ lives.  Like our own.  And we hope this guy is the one to help us make it happen.  Townies were proud to host the announcement of Obama’s presidential bid.  Way proud.  Travelers were just thrilled to be there and shared how far they had come – how early they had arisen – with the same sense of pride.  What we all shared was a personal investment in the hope that we can reclaim America.  Debbie Ross from Lincoln, Illinois sang the STAR SPANGLED BANNER, and my friend Sam said she is the same woman who sang at his wedding.

He offered himself up as a vehicle today.  Why do we hope Barack is the one to help make us more able to affect change in the overall political climate?  All along he has been listening to the stories of ordinary people.  Listening carefully enough to remember our stories and pass them on.  To tie the stories together with a meaningful thread of who we are, what our challenges are, and how we try so hard against so many obstacles.  He heard people who are like me, it seems, because when he tells their stories, it sounds like he is telling my story and getting the gist of why I work so hard to keep my head afloat in an economy that doesn’t appear to put much value on my hard work.  He gets the gist of how I work so hard, what the challenges are like, and the kinds of things our government could do that would make me feel more like I was getting a decent shake at the American dream. 

But that’s not all.  He has spoken against the war in Iraq all along.  Today he proposed a date by which we should have our military out of there.  The crowd was quiet.  Not me.  I was whooping and hollering.  But I was one of ten thousand, and went unnoticed except by the people right around me.  And then he described how we must take care of all our returning vets, and the entire crowd was whooping and hollering.  He proposed that we bring unions back into power enough to take care of laborers.  He proposed that we give teachers the resources and money they deserve.  He proposed that we make college education more affordable, and there was an ocean of approval moving all around the lawn.  The twenty-somethings and the fifty-somethings are in complete agreement about this one!  And he spoke to us as a generation.  Not separate generations in clusters; but as though we in the audience were all one generation:  the generation who can step up to the plate, roll up our sleeves and fix what’s wrong with today’s government.  Dad’s held little kids up on their shoulders to see the sight.  We felt a part of history at that moment.  Not because of the event that happened, but because of the shared vision of events to come, events that we believe will come because of our commitment, our work ethic, our diversified talents, and our connection to this gangly attorney who is determined to do things differently if we choose to elect him. 

And it isn’t just that he seems so sincere when he flashes that brilliant smile, and it isn’t just that he is a powerful speaker, and it isn’t just that he speaks to us of our own stories.  The guy’s an expert on Constitutional Law who said that the battle we need to fight is making Washington DC work differently.  This at a time when the war abroad is an incredible, unbearable travesty and I get the feeling we are being distracted from an wicked attempt to undermine our Constitution.  The job description of president is to uphold the constitution. Would it be good for our next president to be a Constitutional expert?  I just don’t get why there’s any question of nominating anyone else.  This is to me as clear as a postcard perfect clear sky day at 3 degrees Fahrenheit.  Barack is my guy.  There is not much I would change about today’s rally if I could.  It would have been nice to get those autographs, though.

--CAROLYN QUINN

No review of Illinois primary results would be complete without taking note of events in Chicago and Cook County. Even if local politics lacks the overtones of significance for the Democratic Party nationally, there is hardly anything more entertaining than the spectacle of Windy City politics. With another mayoral race yet a year off—the only thing that really counts with Chicago political junkies—attention was riveted on two Cook county races.

Sheriff—All right, the race was never really in question. When long time incumbent Michael Sheehan decided to retire after a series of incidents at Cook County jail, he anointed his long time assistant, Tom Dart. Dart is the certified pretty boy of Illinois politics with a boyishly handsome face underneath a head of black curls. Like so many other ambitious pols, he is the son of a long time Democratic office holder.

He gave up a safe State Senate seat to run for state wide office in 2002. and a former state senator. Unfortunately for him, he had the misfortune of being the only candidate on the ticket to loose his election. He ran for Treasurer and lost to incumbent Judy Barr Topinka, the current GOP candidate for governor. No problem. Sheehan was more than willing to give him a top job, despite Darts total lack of law enforcement experience.

In other counties that lack of experience might be viewed as a handicap in a race for Sheriff. Not in Cook County. Sheehan points out that the job is really an administrative job, and not a police job. A good sheriff, it is said, can hire all of the cops he needs.

Unfortunately for Sheehan and Dart, segments of the Sheriff’s Department’s sworn officers were mighty unhappy—the jail guards. They have felt over worked and understaffed. The rank and file also felt that Sheehan, backed by his number 2 Dart, was quick to throw officers to the wolves when allegations of abuse had been made or scandals like letting inmates have sex or obtain drugs had been revealed.

Two guard officers, including one who was disciplined by the sheriff in an abuse incident, filed to run against Dart. It was always a long shot at best and the race would have faded into obscurity had not a guard supporter of one of the challenger thought up a unique campaign tactic.

According to the man’s own admission he allowed five inmates to escape in an attempt to embarrass the Sheriff and Dart and to underscore the Guards demands for beefed up staffing on the tiers.

The plan unraveled almost at once. The inmates were rounded up and within a day the guard was singing like a canary. Of course the candidate the man hoped to benefit loudly denied any connection to the cock-eyed scheme. But the damage was done and what ever faint hopes he may have had faded with the headlines in the TRIBUNE and SUN-TIMES.

‘Twas the stuff legends are made of and it will be recalled by old timers years from now as they reminisce about the Chicago politics.

County Board President—All of that, of course, paled beside the high drama that unfolded when County Board President John Stroger was felled by a stroke a week before the election.

The 72 year old Stroger had surprised many when he announced he would seek another term. He had accomplished the great feat of his administration—the replacement of old Cook County Hospital with a spanking new facility modestly named Stroger Hospital. But he had faced an increasingly restless County Board critical of his allegedly bloated budgets and padded payrolls. Most folks thought he would retire gracefully and allow new leadership to take over. These folks mistook Stroger’s pride. He would not quit under fire.

His chief critic on the Board was the increasingly vocal Forrest Claypool, who hectored his every move and positioned himself as a champion of reform. But Claypool was an experienced politician once closely tied to Mayor Richard M. Daley. In fact, he served as Daley’s chief of staff, a post in which he performed so loyally and well that he was handed the Chicago Park District as a reward.

There had been a series of relatively minor personnel scandals in the Park District along with accusations that parks in Black and minority areas were ignored. Claypool was given instructions to clean the place up. It didn’t hurt that in doing so he was dismantling the patronage base of former Parks chief Ed Kelley, a north side alderman and one of the few true powerhouse ward bosses left, fueled by the patronage at the Park District. Kelley was a Dailey rival. As a result Claypool was able to polish up a reputation as a reformer while doing the Mayor’s political business.

The time came when Claypool felt ready to launch his own political career. Daley encouraged him to run for County Board. He may have even hinted that there was a future there that might include the Board presidency. We may never know what promises were made. But if Claypool felt Daley would back him against Stroger while the Mayor’s younger brother John, another Board member, nursed his own ambitions, he was mistaken.

Given the choice between his old lieutenant and John Stroger, the Mayor backed the old man, thus preserving his brother’s future prospects. John, the least talented of the Dailey boys, had stayed in the old neighborhood when the Mayor moved to swanker digs in the re-developed South Loop. He is Committeeman of the still formidable 11th ward Regular Democratic organization.

Virtually all of the party heavy hitters lined up with Stroger against Claypool. The only exception was Congressman Rohm Immanuel, an old personal friend from the days when both worker in campaigns for former Senator Paul Simon. But Immanuel made it clear that his backing was based only on that personal loyalty and not out of any urge to stray off the Regular reservation.

The two candidates hammered each other in increasingly personal attack ads. Then, just as the campaign was reaching a crescendo, Stroger was taken ill.

With his condition serious and his future uncertain, Claypool was forced to suspend his attack ads and substitute positive “image builder spots.” Meanwhile Mayor Daley, Senators Obama and Durbin, even former President Bill Clinton rallied to Stroger’s defense.

Because this is Chicago and Stroger (didn’t I mention this before?) is Black, race instantly became an issue. Black talk radio buzzed with talk of conspiracies to dump Stroger. Sometimes Claypool was pictured as the front man for a secret cabal to reclaim the Board from Black rule. Other theorized he was a stalking horse for John Daley. The Black community, which frankly had not been all that enthusiastic for Stroger, was mobilized to turn out in strength to defend their man in his hour of need.

By Election Day, the race was nip and tuck. Claypool maintained a narrow lead all night as returns trickled in. Past midnight he told his supporters that it “looked good” but to go home because the final vote count would not be completed for hours. Meanwhile the Stroger camp loudly complained about the slow returns and demanded an investigation.

It wasn’t until late afternoon on Wednesday that the results from the new optical scan and touch screen voting systems were integrated with the new early votes. The Black wards had pulled through. In the end Stroger won by the relatively comfortable margin of 52.48% to 47.72%.

What will happen now? No one knows for sure, but very few believe that Stroger will ever again actual serve. The question seems to be will he withdraw before the election and allow the Cook County Democratic Central Committee appoint another candidate, or will he resign after being sworn in for a new term leaving the selection of a new President up to the County Board. The betting seems to run to replacement before the election.

There is a quandary. The Committeemen certainly will not turn around and give it to Claypool. Any thought of handing the job immediately over to John Daley has to be put aside now that there are racial overtones. A substitute candidate would almost surely have to be Black or risk a rebellion that could fuel the mayoral ambitions of Congressman Jessie Jackson, Jr.

Yet there is no obvious black candidate. Some have suggested that someone like Jerry “Iceman” Buttler, the former R&B recording star, might be brought in as a kind of place holder. Under this scenario John Daley could take over later due to a Butler retirement. Or in a wilder flight of fancy, Jessie Jackson, Jr. could be enticed to seek seat on the board made possible by a sudden vacancy and then elevated to the Presidency. In exchange for a new power base on the County Board, Jackson would decline to run for Mayor, removing the strongest possible challenger.

Some believe Stroger will hold on if he can and resign only after the election. His son John Jr. a former state legislator and current alderman (only in Chicago is an aldermanic seat considered a step up from the legislature), would be appointed to the old man’s County Board seat and then elected by the board to the Presidency. But the younger Stroger is very young and many doubt the old man has the clout to make the arrangements stick.

At any rate, those for whom Chicago politics is a spectator sport will have lots to speculate about in coming months.

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In the race for Goverenor on the Democratic side, incumbent Rod Blagojevevich, he of the unpronounceable ethnic name, the chipmunk cheeks, naughty ten year old demeanor, and very deep pockets, easily defeated little known challenger Edwin Eisendrath, a former reform Democratic Chicago alderman. Yet Eisendrath ran significantly ahead of pre-election projections, and did particularly well in suburban and collar county areas.

This reflects Blagojevevich’s significant stumbles in his first term. These have mostly been a series of perceived ethical gaffs lumped together in the media as “pay for play.” It means—surprise, surprise—appointing friends, cronies, and campaign contributors to key jobs and commissions and greasing their way to lucrative state contracts. There has been a parade of stories and some investigations launched, but so far no big scandal or any indictments. In fact the governor’s offenses amount to standard Illinois political procedure for as far back as anyone can remember. His problem is that he ran against this sort of thing in shadow of the disgraced administration of former governor George Ryan. So he gets the hypocrite label firmly attached to his forehead.

A greater real problem may have been the overt hostility between him and the firm Democratic majorities in both houses of the legislature. He made no attempt at working with legislative leaders, and often taunted them in public as a way of establishing his independence.

On the plus side the governor pushed through his own senior drug plan, and has proposed comprehensive health care for children, new student for higher education, and an increase in the minimum wage. 

The Republican side was messy, reflecting the now decades long civil war between movement conservatives and old fashion country-club moderates for control of the party. Judy Barr Topinka, the incumbent State Treasurer and only survivor of the post-Ryan Democratic sweep of constitutional offices four years ago, faced a virtual cavalry charge. Two self-funding millionaires led the charge. 

Ron Gidwitz, former Revlon chief and State Board of Education reform leader, was out of the gate early with a blizzard of TV ads. But he was a “goo-goo” Republican (the derisive term for “good government” and reform used alike by Dem and GOP cigar chompers) with the backing of high-minded civic groups and the CHICAGO TRIBUNE and thus had no chance.

Jim Oberweis was a millionare dairy magnate making his third bid at statewide office. He ran first as a moderate, but after being trounced and discovering that red meat conservatives usually triumph in Illinois primaries he lurched as far to the right as he could. In his unsuccessful Senate bid last time, he trotted out racist scare tactic ads against immigration. This time out he wrapped himself up as the anti-abortion, anti-gay marriage, pro-gun conservative knight out to slay the dragon of “liberal Judy.” Downstate legislator Bill Brady joined him in scrapping for the rightwing vote, but he did not have the advantage of his own millions and so had no real chance. Another conservative lawmaker was enticed out of the race and signed on to run as Lt. Governor with Gidwitz to shore up his right wing. It didn’t work. There was also the usual gad fly candidate, this time part-time journalist Andy Martin.

It was a tough, expensive and very dirty race. Topinka won by a nice margin, but second runner-up and general sorehead Oberweis pointed out that the combined “conservative vote” was greater than her’s. But Topinka has a lot of appeal. She’s like the plain spoken, tough talking old broad at the end of the bar with the braying laugh, cigarette burning and drinks lined up in front of her courtesy the old friends she has kept entertained for years. Voters like that. It seems real.

Blagojevevich, despite reigning over an increasingly blue state in a year in which George W.’s sinking popularity may be disastrous to Republicans at all levels and running with the George Ryan trial fresh in everyone’s mind (the jury is still out as we speak) against a woman who was politically very close to Ryan, could face a stiff fight this November.

Topinka is what passes these days as GOP moderate. She is pro-choice to the extent that she will not support the actual abolition of abortion, but she has supported just about every proposed restriction that has been proposed. She favors some “moderate” gun control measures. She is against imposing “intelligent design” in schools and not a foaming-at-the-mouth opponent of gay rights. The right wing may have been able to win a lot of primaries in recent years, but Illinois voters have rejected them in November. This phenomenon has contributed greatly to the rise of Democratic prospects. But Illinois voters do seem to like “moderate” GOP governors. Until Blagojevich, mainstream Republicans sat in the Governor’s chair for thirty years.

Both candidates will be well funded and are attracting national political money. The national GOP chair announced yesterday that this was the party’s best chance to take a governorship from the Democrats.

It is a good thing for Blagojevevich that he has shown himself to be a more effective campaigner than an administrator. 

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6th District—The state’s highest profile race on the Democratic side featured a disabled Iraqi war vet courted and supported by major national party leaders and the scrappy anti-war activist who gave old Henry Hyde, the outgoing Representative, a real scare two years ago.

Tammy Duckworth was an Army major and helicopter pilot when she lost both legs in Iraq. The story of her plucky courage as she recovered and learned to walk again drew national attention. She was courted by Rep. Rahm Emmanuel, head of the Democratic Congressional Campaign committee and recruited to run even though she lived just outside the district with her husband, an Illinois National Guard captain. She quickly lined up support from heavy hitters like John Kerry and Howard Dean. She was touted as the queen of the class of “Fighting Democrats,” Iraqi war veterans supposedly inoculated against GOP charges of cowardice in the face of the enemy. Money and campaign support poured into the race on her behalf.

On the other hand a lot of local Democrats felt that Christine Cegelis deserved a second chance at the nomination, particularly in light of Hyde’s retirement and a Democratic trend in the district in recent years. With little money and virtually no party support Cegelis conducted an old fashion grass roots, door-to-door campaign that rang up impressive numbers against the GOP’s crown prince of abortion foes and a leader of the Clinton impeachment.

Cegelis, a down-the-line progressive, was also explicitly anti-war. Duckworth, who says that she was “proud to serve and would do it again,” was very critical of the President’s decision to go to war but has maintained that now in it, the US has a responsibility to stay until the Iraqis have a stable government. She certainly would support a more expeditious planned withdrawal than the President, but she is no John Murtha on the subject. So Cegelis drew the enthusiastic support of national anti-war and progressive forces. Progressive Democrats of America (PDA), Move-On Political Pac, and others endorsed her and helped raise money and lent campaign support.

But it was not supposed to be much of a contest. Conventional wisdom had Duckworth the walk-away leader. As the long night of counting dragged on (the belated returns due to the introduction of new voting technology in Illinois is another big story) TV and radio commentators seemed actually stunned as Cegelis remained neck and neck with Duckworth. A third candidate, Lindy Scott, a liberal college professor trailed behind.

In the end Duckworth edged out a victory with 43.81% of the vote versus Cegelis’s 40.44%. Scott drew a surprising 15.75%. Had she not been in the race significant numbers of her supporters would have probably broken to Cegelis.

The Republicans think the fractious Democratic primary is apt to enhance their chances to keep the seat in a traditionally GOP suburban based district.

But I doubt Democrats will be disunited in November, despite some lingering bitterness at national party leaders for meddling in the district. Duckworth is an amazingly attractive candidate whose neophyte campaign skills have now been honed in an actual contest. The strong progressive showing in her district will undoubtedly encourage her to take a stronger position on the war. More over, Democrats are united in recognizing that winning open seats like the 6th that were previously in Republican hands is critical to achieving majority status in the House.

This may be among the two or three most expensive and contested races in the country. My guess is that National Dem deep pockets and local grass roots experience will combine to give Duckworth an excellent chance of winning in November.

8th District—The state’s other high profile race was on the Republican side where an assortment of right wing ideologues lined up for the chance the knock off Melissa Bean, the Democrat who trounced the Republican Dean of the House, Phil Crane. National Republicans consider the 8th District Republican by right and view Bean as an anomaly who was able to upset a tired and out of contact incumbent. From the instant Bean was elected, she had a target painted on her back by the national GOP.

Knowing that any winner of the Republican primary would attract big time support, challengers lined up three deep. There were no moderates. GOP moderates figure that they cannot win in a contested Republican primary. Instead a parade of certified right wingers lined up to compete as to who has most rabid agenda.

The state party expected most of the early announced candidates to drop out. In fact only two did. That left a still crowded field. Leading the pack were two (what else) millionaires capable of self-funding their expensive campaigns. David McSweeney was a business executive with limited political experience—he served on a Lake county township board. He had contributed heavily to other GOP campaigns and so had chits of support to call-in.

By all accounts the extended Salvi family called a clan meeting to decide which of them to back in the primary. The heirs to a banking fortune, two Salvi brothers have made runs. One ran unsuccessfully for state office. The other was the GOP’s best hope to unseat Democratic State Representative Jack Franks, who has been holding his McHenry County Seat firmly against an enraged GOP. Both of them spent tons of their family’s money and both were drubbed badly. Various members of the clan had been publicly mentioned for the 8th district race. The family settled on a Salvi-by-marriage.

Kathy Salvi is a lawyer. Her doctor husband was one of the aforementioned losers. As a woman, she was thought to be the best tonic to Bean’s appeal to soccer-moms. The Holy Grail that motivated her and her family was their steadfast anti-abortion stance.

Another conservative, State Representative Ward Churchill hoped that the two millionaires would beat each others brains out and the reactionary vote would turn to him. Three other nuisance candidates rounded out the field.

It was a bloody campaign. Salvi and McSweeney went after each other with a vengeance. Each invoked the ghost of Ronald Regan and each accused the other violating Regan’s 11th Commandment, “Thou shalt not speak ill of another Republican.” But they could not speak enough ill about each other. McSweeney accused Salvi of being a trial lawyer who would side with the Democrats in their tribal war against doctors and malpractice reform. Salvi countered that McSweeney had presided over tax increases in Township government. Both accused the other of lying.

Dueling campaign commercials littered the airways. Both spent huge amounts of money buying time not on low powered local radio, but on major Chicago market radio and TV, an enormously expensive proposition almost unheard of in a Congressional primary on the fringe of the metropolitan area.

Some how McSweeney ended up with most media endorsements, probably because the press was getting bored watching the Salvi family burn their money.

In the end McSweeney won handily, although Salvi managed to eke out a face saving edge in her home McHenry County part of the district.

Given the outcome, some moderate GOP types like State Senator Pam Althoff, probably regret not getting into the race. If well funded it is quite likely a moderate could have surged ahead while the right-wingers bashed themselves to death.

Bean is undoubtedly happy with the result. The fractious Republicans, with their burning tribal memories and resentments, are not as apt to unite as 6th District Democrats. Besides, the voters in the general election are not nearly as conservative as those in the GOP primary. And like many collar county areas, Democrats have been picking ups support year after year. Half of the Lake County board is now Democratic.

Although Bean will be the beneficiary of significant national party support, she has faced some unhappiness among the supporters who worked hard to get her elected two years ago. She made some extremely unpopular votes for most Democrats, notably for the beat-the-middle-class bankruptcy bill. She was also the deciding vote on CAFTA. In addition she ducks the war issue as if she was allergic to it. If forced to say something, she tepidly takes a “stay the course” position that is an anathema to most local Democrats.

There was a lot of grumbling against her, harsh words at town hall meetings and rumors of a primary challenger. Elements of organized labor openly talked about raising a challenger. They were leaned on hard by their own national leaders and the national party not to do so. Bean was allowed to skate through the primary and save her ammunition for a bruising general election.

In her defense Bean says that she has to be responsive to a generally conservative district, that she as a business woman has always been a fiscal conservative but a social liberal, and that she will back the election of a Democrat as the next speaker of the house. The last is the most compelling argument. Bean has also been careful to build a reputation for constituent service and responsiveness.

Expect all but the most ardent anti-war purists to giver her support in November. 

Those purists will have an option, an anti-war independent on the ballot in November. He ran unsuccessfully against Bean for the Democratic nomination two years ago but got some support. His problem is that he is also “pro-life” which will make it difficult for many progressives to vote for him. The question is, in a hard fought close race funded by millions of dollars can his 3-5% of the vote drain enough away from Bean to tip the district back to the Republicans.

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